Last week, Honduras was very prominent in the world news. Sunday, June 28 President José Manuel (“Mel”) Zelaya Rosales was forcibly removed from the country by military forces backed by the National Congress and the Supreme Court. The same day, Roberto Micheletti, president of the National Congress, assumed the office of President of the Republic.
Living in the middle of this political mess, and faced with drastically varying opinions of the situation, it has been difficult for me to collect my thoughts. I don’t consider myself qualified to give an objective or well-informed opinion of the situation. However, I can tell what it has been like for me to live and work in Tegucigalpa this week, relate some of the information, rumors and opinions that I have heard over the week, and of course give some of my own speculations.
Who is Mel?

(image from Latin American Herald Tribune)
Mel was born in Catacamas, Olancho in 1952 to a family of cattle ranchers and lumber producers. He began to study civil engineering but did not finish, dedicating himself to agriculture and ranching on his family land. Later he was president of the Honduran wood industry association and a member of the Honduran Council of Private Industry (Cohep). He also worked as the manager of a bank and other businesses. In public service, Mel was the director of the Honduran Social Investment Fund (FHIS), a government agency that executes public infrastructure projects, from 1998 to 2002, during which time the country was hit by Hurricane Mitch. Under Mel, FHIS realized many important public works projects, allowing communities to set their own infrastructure priorities.
Mel, who is a fan of horses and is usually found wearing a large cowboy had and cowboy boots, presents himself as a man of the people and an opponent of the traditional power groups in Honduras.
(Information from El Heraldo, June 29, “Manuel Zelaya, el depuesto presidente de Honduras”)
La Cuarta Urna
For some months, Mel had been promoting “La Cuarta Urna (The Fourth Ballot Box)”. La Cuarta Urna would be an extra ballot box in the November elections. In addition to casting their votes for mayor, congressional representative and president, Honduran voters would have the option to vote in favor of calling an assembly to modify the Honduran constitution. Mel called first for a national survey, Sunday, June 28, where he would see if there was enough support among the population for the Cuarta Urna in November. If the people answered “yes” on June 28, he would proceed with plans to include a Cuarta Urna in the November elections.
Mel sold La Cuarta Urna as a chance to give power to the people and to change the constitution to benefit the poor rather than the rich. However, most people agree that he also wanted to change the constitution to allow for re-election of the president, a change that would give him the opportunity to be president for another term. Hugo Chavez in Venezuela and Rafael Correa in Ecuador have used similar constitutional assemblies to remain in power for longer than their initial terms. During his presidency, Mel has become increasingly friendly toward and allied with Chavez, and his block of left-leaning Latin American countries.
I did not understand how Mel could have rushed through the constitutional reform process in time to allow for his own reelection in November, considering that the Cuarta Urna vote itself was not supposed to take place until the November election, but many seem to think that that was his objective. Perhaps he would have moved the Cuarta Urna vote up a few months to allow time for a constitutional assembly before the November elections. Some suggest that he would have used the results of the June 28 consultation as justification to begin a constitutional assembly immediately. El Heraldo, a Tegucigalpa newspaper that is sympathetic to those who overthrew Mel, claimed June 29, under the headline “Zelaya planificaba dissolver el Congreso (Zelaya was planning to dissolve the Congress)”, that congressional representatives had become aware that Mel intended to dissolve Congress at noon on the 28th after seeing the initial results of the popular consultation.
Until several months ago I would have said Mel was a very unpopular president. In fact, in this blog I said that I had never heard one good thing about him. Several months ago my perspective began to change. In January of this year Mel significantly raised the minimum wage from 3400 Lempiras a month to 4055 Lempiras in rural areas and 5500 Lempiras in urban areas. While some say this increase improved conditions for working Hondurans, other people claim that it caused small businesses to lay off employees that they could no longer afford to employ. Nevertheless, nearly everyone agrees that Hondurans don’t earn enough, and many people took Mel’s rise in the wage as a sign that he is concerned about the welfare of the average Honduran.
In the last several months, some of my co-workers started to talk about Mel in a more positive light. A friend of mine studying psychology at the national university and her family turned out to be ardent supporters of Mel. She said that many students at the university were in favor of him. Dan, the Fullbright scholar working on the AguaClara project, said that the family he eats with was in favor of Mel and the Cuarta. Many people I have asked say that, if nothing else, Mel is trying to promote change in a country where change is needed.
In this environment of what I judged to be improved public support, Mel began to promote the Cuarta Urna.
“Yo hago una propuesta a la sociedad, démosle ese poder al pueblo en las consultas populares y que de aquí en adelante en Honduras, el promotor del cambio y del desarrollo, el que tenga palabra fresca para decidir que el país va bien o esta mal, es el pueblo, en él confío, en él deposito mi amor y mi confianza como Hondureño” (I make a proposal to society, let us give the people that power in the popular consultations and from here forward in Honduras, the promoter of change and of development, that has a fresh word to decide that the country is on a good path or that the country is on a bad path, is the people, in them I confide, in them I deposit my love and my confidence as a Honduran.” claimed Mel. (Poder Ciudadano May 18, 2009)
I have nothing against improving the constitution, but thought this was a very suspicious time to do it. As much as Mel denied that his crusade was about gaining another term, the history of Chavez in Venezuela and Correa in Ecuador, both allies of Mel, extending their terms through similar methods made me suspicious. Many supporters of Mel said that if he was trying to get himself another term, it was just fine with them. He was better than the rest of the country’s corrupt politicians, he had the well-being of the poor at heart, and four years were very short to make any real change in the country, they said. After all, in the United States presidents are allowed to serve two terms.
I am also not categorically against the reelection of presidents. We do it in the United States, and it seems to work fine. However, I am suspicious of a sitting president who wants to change the rules in the last months of his term. I also think that the political realities of Honduras might make reelection a bad idea. As the current president, Mel had vast resources to invest in propaganda to serve his own ends. Under the catchphrase “Poder Ciudadano (Citizen Power)” Mel used television commercials and a small free newspaper the government handed out every month or so to tell his constituents what a great job he was doing.
The morning after the earthquake a month ago I turned on the radio hoping to hear about what had happened. I found that the all the radio stations were “en cadena nacional (in national chain)”. In something similar to the Emergency Broadcast System in the United States, when the Honduran government has important news to report, it can obligate all radio and television stations to broadcast its message. I was not surprised that the radio stations were en cadena after such a significant disaster. I was surprised to hear one of Mel’s ministers talking not about the earthquake but about what a great job his administration had been doing at reducing poverty.
Mel was using all means available to promote the Cuarta Urna. The Poder Ciudadano newspapers praised the Urna as an opportunity for all Hondurans to be heard and encouraged everyone to come out and vote. Pamphlets were handed out in the street that used cartoons to explain why the Cuarta Urna was a step forward for democracy in Honduras. A coworker of mine said promoters of the Cuarta Urna had offered his son a job promoting it. His son would be paid $80 every two weeks to interview people in their neighborhood regarding the Cuarta Urna. I asked the co-worker whether he was in favor of the Cuarta. He told me that he was categorically against it. Then I asked him whether his son would accept the job. “Yes,” he told me, “He needs that money!”
Political support can often be won at an economic price. From what I have seen, a sitting president in Honduras has plenty of public resources at his disposal to pay that price. That is an unfair advantage for an incumbent seeking reelection.
When people told me that Mel was better than any of the other options and that for that reason four years of Mel might not be so bad, I couldn’t refute their claims. But, I don’t think it makes sense to do a last-minute overhaul on the constitution of a country just so you can reelect a sitting president because he happens to be less corrupt than the candidates to fill his spot.
I also wasn’t sure that Mel’s record was too encouraging. The first year I was here I heard nothing good about him, so I was wondering what had changed this year aside from the raise in the minimum wage. The national government has been working without a budget since the beginning of the year. That means that government agencies like SANAA, the national water authority that could be giving us support in evaluating the AguaClara treatment plants, have not been able to start new projects this year.
Municipal governments are still waiting for Poverty Reduction Strategy funds the national government gives them as part of the agreement that pardoned much of Honduras’ national debt. Since the Poverty Reduction Strategy budgets have not been approved yet, a couple of the treatment plants we want to build are on hold while the mayors wait for funds. One government program that did appear to be fully funded under Mel was the campaign to promote the Cuarta Urna.
The Run-up to the Cuarta
The first step to implementing the Cuarta Urna was a consultation of public opinion that was to take place Sunday, June 28. If a certain number of Hondurans turned out in support of the Cuarta, it would become a part of the next election.
In the week running up to the June 28 consultation, it was clear that majority of the ruling political elite was not supportive of Mel’s Cuarta. Liberals (Mel’s party) and Nationalists alike were speaking out against it and calling it unconstitutional. Elections are supposed to be under the charge of the Tribunal Superior de Elecciones (TSE), a non-partisan agency that oversees elections. The consultation was not approved by the TSE and was to be carried out directly by Mel, raising doubts regarding its validity. Most people I talked to seemed to think that regardless of how many people actually turned out to vote “yes” on June 28, Mel would produce enough votes for the measure to pass with flying colors. One co-worker of mine, who was actually pretty supportive of Mel, suggested that Mel would also fabricate some no votes if necessary to make the results look more realistic.
The Honduran military normally provides logistical support for elections under the guidance of the TSE. When Mel called for the military’s support in the June 28 consultation, General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, the jefe del Estado Mayor Conjunto (like the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff) of the armed forces, denied support based on the fact that the consultation was unconstitutional. In response, on Wednesday evening June 24, Mel fired General Vásquez Velásquez. In solidarity, the secretary of defense and the leaders of each branch of the military resigned. The Supreme Court quickly ruled that the firing of the General was illegal and restored him to his position.
Mel decided to carry out the consultation without the help of the military. Thursday morning June 25, he led a group of people from the presidential palace to an air force base in Tegucigalpa in order to retrieve materials for the June 28 consultation that were being held there under orders from the TSE. After this display of unrest, many establishments in Tegucigalpa, including Agua para el Pueblo, closed early Thursday afternoon.
Although the Cuarta Urna was still on everyone’s mind, life continued more or less normally Friday and Saturday. Friday we worked all day in the office and went out for dinner with Carol, a former AguaClara co-worker who was visiting from the states. Saturday I spent the day in Ojojona with Carol and returned to Tegucigalpa just after dark. Saturday night I went out to a karoke bar in downtown Tegucigalpa with some neighbors. The bar was packed and life appeared to be normal on the eve of Mel’s famous consultation. I returned late to my apartment in the Guadalupe and hit the sack.
Sunday, June 28
About 7:30 am I was awaken by a phone call from my co-worker Antonio. He said there had been a coup and that Mel had been captured and taken out of the country. He recommended that I stay put in the house because things could get messy later on in the day. I had made plans to see Carol before she flew back to the States at 2 pm, but with the uncertain political situation I decided it would be better for me to stay home. The electricity had been turned off throughout the country, so I could not get any information on my radio. I would later learn that telephone service had been cut throughout the morning and that multiple TV channels sympathetic to Mel had been militarized and taken off the air. I was tired and had nothing to do but wait, so I went back to sleep.
About an hour later I was disturbed by the sound of airplanes overhead. Two military jets were circling the sky above Tegucigalpa and a military helicopter was flying low back and forth over the city. I assumed these were Honduran planes using a show of force to maintain order, but couldn’t help but wonder if they might be Venezuelan planes sent to retaliate against those who had instigated the coup. It turned out they were Honduran planes.
By 11 am power had returned and I was able to turn on my radio. The Poder Judicial (the judicial branch of the government) was en cadena announcing that the military had removed the president from the country in response to a judicial order. Later the TSE came on the radio en cadena to assure Hondurans that normal elections would be held November 29, 2009, thus assuring that the coup was not an attempt to grab power indefinitely.
According to El Heraldo (with some of my added commentary), the operation to depose Mel took place as follows:
5:00 am: 200 soldiers arrive at Mel’s house to capture him. Mel’s guards offer little resistance.
5:25 am: Mel has been captured at gunpoint. Neighbors claim that some shots were fired.
5:50 am: Mel is taken to the Hernán Acosta Mejia air force base in Tegucigalpa and put on an airplane bound for San Jose, Costa Rica
7:25 am: Mel lands in Costa Rica.
10:59 am: The Poder Judicial goes on cadena nacional to validate the actions of the armed forces.
12:25 pm: The results of an investigation of Mel’s actions are read in congress. It is concluded that Mel violated the constitution with his actions.
12:33 pm: A letter of resignation supposedly signed by Mel is read in congress. Mel denies having signed this letter and it seems almost surely to have been fabricated.
1:45 pm: Following the constitutional line of succession, Roberto Micheletti, the president of the National Congress, a career politician and a member of the same Liberal party as Mel, is named as president for the remaining 6 months of Mel’s term.
These last three acts of Congress where broadcast en cadena on the radio and television.
At noon the streets were quiet and I was hungry. I first went to eat breakfast where I normally eat dinner a couple blocks away. Afterward, I ventured downtown, several blocks away, to see what was going on. The streets were even quieter than on a normal Sunday morning, but a few people were still out and things seemed pretty normal. In the central park there was the usual crowd of people mingling. I walked up to a group of middle-aged men standing in a circle discussing the situation. The group of about 20 included a few well-dressed men, a man without shoes who had probably spent the night on the street, and everything in between.
Most of those talking seemed to think that this coup was not a good thing. One particularly vocal man said that it reminded him of a coup decades ago, when dead bodies were a part of the equation. He feared Honduras was returning to the same troubled times. Another man suggested that the coup would result in devaluation of the Lempira and economic problems for Honduras. I was very interested in hearing the opinions of these central park regulars, but at the same time felt a bit out of place. They were there debating about the future of their country, and I was just a gringo gawking from the outside.
After I had been there about 10 minutes a not-so-well-dressed man, who may very well have been half drunk, showed up and stood next to me “Hi, how you doing?” he said in English. I’m all for Hondurans practicing their English, but, statistically speaking, I’ve learned that when a Honduras man randomly walks up to me on the street and starts speaking English, the result is rarely an agreeable conversation. “Are you from the United States?” he asked me. I responded that I was. “FBI?” he suggested, “because if you’re from the FBI we don’t want you here. Viva [Hugo] Chavez! Viva Mel!” I informed him that I was certainly not from the FBI and that I was here in Honduras doing water projects. He didn’t say anything more but did not seem too impressed. I decided it would be better to be on my way. I am confident that nearly everyone there would have been accepting of my presence, but it only takes one whacko to make a situation uncomfortable.
I headed over to the National Congress building, where the congress must have been preparing to install Michiletti as president. The building was surrounded by military riot police and there was a group of about 100 people outside. The situation was actually quite calm. I decided to walk home. As I passed the central park I saw the same man who had hassled me minutes before yelling his support for Mel.
I talked to few Hondurans about the coup on Sunday. One friend thought that Mel had deserved to be removed from power. A neighbor of mine, not a fan of Mel either, was hardly alarmed. He said the event had not really been a coup, and that the international community was overreacting. He doubted there would be significant civil unrest. The Honduran people aren’t much for protests he told me. Rather, they are “buenos aguantadores (good at putting up with things)”.
A co-worker, the same one who had suggested Mel might make up “no” votes as well as “yes” votes, called to tell me that the office would open late tomorrow if it opened at all. He was more alarmed and frustrated than the other two people I talked to. He said that the day’s events were a sign of just how corrupt Honduras really is. He was considering participating in the protests the following day.
As I watched the National Congress, the Supreme Court, the TSE and the business community rally behind the coup and the new president, I wondered where Mel’s supporters were. Had they been silenced? Were there fewer of them than I thought there had been? Were they all jumping ship now that Mel was not here to bribe them for their support? I heard more concern and disapproval coming from the international media than from inside Honduras. CNN was calling the action a coup and had a lot of coverage of the situation, until they were temporarily taken off the air in Honduras.
As I prepared to go to bed, I scanned the Tegucigalpa radio stations. The president of Honduras had been overthrown 15 hours ago, and in the capital city I could only find music and sports on the radio, not a bit of information on the day’s events. Aside from the international reaction, I only knew the opinions of the few Hondurans I had spoken with that day, and the official sterilized version given by the government cadenas. Mel’s supporters might still have been out there, but I wasn’t hearing them.
I looked outside from my balcony before going to sleep. The streets were quiet. The government had imposed a 9pm to 6am curfew.
Monday, June 29
On Monday morning things appeared to be returning to normal. People were out in the streets and going to work. I wondered why we had closed at APP when the rest of the world was working again.
I went down the street to Ruth’s house where I used to live to drop of my laundry. The woman who washes Ruth’s clothes still washes mine. On the way I ran into a friend who usually has an opinion regarding political situations. He said a coup was never something one hoped for, but that in this case it had been necessary. He was convinced that Mel had had intensions to use the same methods that Chavez and others had used in other parts of Latin America to take control of the country. He had heard that Mel was planning to change a few words in the question posed in Sunday’s popular consultation in order to justify calling a constitutional assembly very quickly. Mel’s plans had failed, he said, because Honduras was not leftist by nature. Honduras, for better or for worse, had always been aligned with the United States and followed a conservative path. Support of Mel likely had not been very genuine, he said, and would now dissolve. If the Organization of American States (OAS) didn’t like what was going on, they very well might suspend Honduras from the organization. But that would only last until the new elections in 6 months, he said, and then Honduras would be back.
After dropping off my laundry, I headed to the internet café to look for some international news. I learned that the entire international community was condemning the coup. The OAS, the UN, Honduras’ neighbors in Central America, Hugo Chavez, and Barak Obama all were calling for Mel’s return to the presidency. Almost all of the small smattering of Hondurans I had spoken with considered the coup a done deal, but the rest of the world wanted to reverse it.
I had received several Facebook messages from friends in the States asking how the situation is. I replied that things were surprisingly calm and normal that morning. I also had an e-mail from SOA Watch, an organization dedicated to opposing the existence of the School of Americas, a U.S. military training center in Georgia where many Latin American human rights violators have been trained. SOA Watch was speaking out against the Honduran coup, which had been carried out under the command of General Romeo Vasquez Velazquez, a graduate of the School of the Americas. They message said that “the people of Honduras are going into the streets, in spite of the fact that the streets are militarized.” From my position in a quiet internet café in the Guadalupe, this seemed like an exaggeration. I forwarded the e-mail to a few AguaClara co-workers, suggesting that SOA Watch was exaggerating the situation here in Honduras in order to further its own cause.
I spoke with a Honduran friend on the phone in the afternoon. He said that we really still didn’t know very much about what the actual situation was. The means of communication (radio, newspaper, and television) were controlled by the same people who were now in control of the government. There could be people detained or dead and we wouldn’t know about it.
Aside from not going to the office, the rest of my day passed normally. There were protests against the coup going on at the presidential palace, but from what I had heard, the number of protesters was relatively small, in the hundreds. In the afternoon I encountered an acquaintance returning from the protests. He looked tired and said it had been a rough day.
Tuesday, June 30
After what had been a pretty slow Monday, I was ready to get back to work. The political situation be what it may, my job here is to work on water projects. On the way to the office, I stopped by Ruth’s to pick up my clothes. On the way I encountered a friend, another volunteer from the United States working in Honduras. I told her that I was on my way to the office. She asked me if I was sure it was opening. I said I was almost sure it was, since things seemed to be just about getting back to normal.
My friend informed me that things were not normal, that she had observed the protests at the presidential palace yesterday and that the confrontation between the military and the protesters had been so violent that many people were injured. She had also gone to the hospital where the injured and some dead bodies were also arriving. (Note: I have not heard these deaths confirmed by the media, but a few days later I spoke with a couple of patients in Hospital Escuela who were at the hospital that day. They told me that they had seen many injured people and a few dead bodies arrive at the hospital after the protest. They claimed that one person had been killed outside the hospital by a car that was speeding down the street to get away from the protesters. The patients said the protesters themselves had entered the hospital church as the fled from the police. The police had used tear gas to get them out and some of the gas had found its way into the room of these patients.)
This made me feel quite naive. Even though I realized the media was controlled by the government, the tranquil panorama I saw in my neighborhood, and perhaps the desire to see things go back to normal, had made me believe what I was hearing, or more importantly forget that things might very well be happening that I wasn’t hearing about. Just a mile away, protesters had been in violent confrontation with the military, but since I didn’t see it from my window, or on the way to the internet café, I figured it couldn’t really be all that bad. Hondurans all over the country could very well be taking to the streets, as the SOA Watch e-mail stated, and I might just not know about it. I was doing exactly what the people in charge wanted me to do, getting back to normal.
On the other hand, in returning to normal I was among the majority. I called the office to make sure they were opening and learned that everyone else was already there working. I told myself that I would at least try to be more aware in the coming days than I had been the day before. I had no intention to involve myself in any protests, or even get that close to them, but I did want to know as much as possible about what was going on.
Based on my listening and probing, the 6 – 3 majority opinion of the Hondurans in our office was in favor of accepting the coup. The difference of opinion was not along economic class lines. The group of 6 willing to accept the coup included the person who runs errands and cleans the office, an engineer and a member of the upper management.
While we were working in the office in the morning, there was a large demonstration in the central park to “Say Yes to Peace and Democracy” and support Micheletti’s new government. Thousands of Hondurans showed up, dressed presentably in white shirts, and demonstrated peacefully, holding signs written in English telling CNN to take note that Hondurans supported the new government. (Note: There have been allegations that these people are encouraged or coerced into demonstrating by their employers. A co-worker of mine told me later that multiple relatives of his had been sent to the protests by their employers, and attended for fear of losing their jobs.)
This manifestation contrasted starkly with photos of the anti-coup demonstration the day before, where eclectically dressed protesters, some wielding wooden sticks, throwing stones and burning tires, and some with bandanas masking their faces, confronted police and military personnel who were wearing riot gear and spraying tear gas. As they were forced to retreat, some of the anti-coup protesters damaged property and broke store windows. The majority of the anti-coup protesters were probably peaceful, and I don’t know whether the protesters or the military escalated the situation, but the end result was an unattractive picture. If undecided Hondurans sitting at home had to decide which movement to join based on their method of protesting, I think most would choose to sing songs and wave banners with the Micheletti crowd.
Wednesday, July 1
An anti-coup protest march passed the office. The number of protesters easily numbered in the thousands. Some, mainly the younger looking ones, were wearing bandannas over their faces, but the vast majority was not. The march ended peacefully.
My productivity in the office has been reduced by about 50%. The environment of tension throughout the city makes it hard to think of anything but the political situation. I spend at least a couple hours each day reading the news online. Another couple hours are spent discussing the situation with everyone from my boss to the security guard. Days are also shorter since they are usually shutting down the office early.
Thursday, July 2
El Tiempo, a major newspaper from San Pedro Sula that gives the most balanced version I’ve seen from the Honduran press, reported Thursday morning that Congress had officially suspended some articles of the Constitution that guarantee civil rights during the curfew hours. One of these articles was Habeas Corpus, the right to be brought before a judge within 24 hours of being captured. This apparently means that the government can now disappear people for more than 24 hours.
Another large anti-coup demonstration passed by the office while we were working. Like they day before, the protest seemed pretty passive, but the protesters left graffiti on pretty much every building they passed. From what I see this type of vandalism does nothing to further the cause of the protesters and does everything to damage their image. The APP secretary, who accepts Micheletti’s government, refers to the pro-Micheletti protesters the “pacifists” and the anti-coup protesters the “leftists”. Vandalism on the part of the “leftists” makes it easier for the other side, the side that is legitimating the violent ouster of a president, to appropriate the “pacifist” label.
Some of the grafiti in Colonia Palmira, a neighborhood near the APP office. I found all this grafiti and much more within a few city blocks. I think most of it was put up when a march went by on Thursday, but I photographed it Sunday:




The office closed early in the afternoon because of concerns that the demonstrations could disturb traffic. After dropping my stuff off at my apartment, I headed downtown for lunch. The protesters had all left and it looked pretty much like a normal day, aside from all the graffiti along the protest route. Workers, employees of the municipality I think, were already out on the streets painting over the graffiti. After grabbing lunch I stopped to browse in a bookstore. I found a few men there engaged in political discussion. As I was leaving I struck up conversation with one of them. He said he identified with the Nationalist party but was supportive of Mel and the Cuarta Urna. He seemed to genuinely believe that Mel wanted to use the Cuarta Urna to change the constitution to benefit the people, not to seek another term. He said that Mel likely had not submitted a budget to Congress for this year because Mel feared that Micheletti, who would soon be leaving Congress after 35 years of service, would rob all he could from the budget on his way out.
The man said that those behind the coup now found themselves in a difficult position, with popular discontent and international disapproval mounting. Honduras would not be able to persist long isolated from the rest of the world. The politicians behind the coup remained united he said, because they had to be in order to protect each other, but if one person behind the coup started to break, they could begin to unravel. Currently, he said, it was a bit of a waiting game and the ball was in the court of those who made the coup.
Another customer in the bookstore suggested that the ruling politicians had gotten rid of Mel because he was not letting them rob as much as they were accustomed to. These are the type of people who make big profits, like from the fast food restaurants, while the people of Honduras suffer, he said. These men suggested, and I have heard others suggest, that the business moguls of Honduras, the ones who own the fast-food restaurants, the newspapers and the TV stations, were behind Micheletti and the coup.
The first man said that the international response made him hopeful. All countries of the Americas had united to say that this sort of military coup was no longer acceptable. They mentioned that Venezuela is not so socialist as some might think and that after all of the recent bailouts, it is clear that the United States is not completely laissez faire capitalist.
These comments made me think that perhaps something good could come of the political crisis in Honduras. It is uniting the Western Hemisphere around certain democratic principles and could also promote change in Honduras.
Friday, July 3
Ther large protests continued, both pro-Micheletti and anti-coup. As before, the pro-Michenetti protests received complete and positive news coverage. After the first protests on Monday, the anti-coup protests were becoming larger and had been more peaceful.
I walked by the Hotel Honduras Maya after leaving work and found the area cordoned off by police and soldiers. Reporters were crowded around the hotel entrance. I asked a bystander what was going on and he said that the Secretary General of the OAS José Miguel Insulza was in a meeting inside. From what I read, Insulza’s visit was unproductive. He refused to meet with Micheletti because the OAS does not recognize him as leader of Honduras. In the meetings Insulza did have, the current Honduran government refused to discuss returning power to Mel Zelaya and Insulza refused to discuss other options.
Saturday, July 4
In the afternoon I headed down toward the airport with Dan, the Fullbright scholar working with AguaClara, to try to catch a glimpse of the anti-coup protest going on there. By the time we got to Metromall, where we parked Dan’s car, people were already returning from the protest. The food court at Metromall was full of people eating, many probably getting back from the protest. I talked with a group of about 8 men from Santa Barbara, most with cowboy hats (Mel style), one with a Ché shirt. They looked more like farmers than protesters, but had been in Tegucigalpa five days participating in the manifestations. They said they had come in a personal vehicle since the military was making it hard for bus traffic to get through. I wonder if Ché Guevara ever retired to a mall foodcourt after protesting.
The question on my mind in the afternoon was whether Mel will come the next day or not. First Mel had said he was coming Thursday, then Saturday, now Sunday. Despite reservations from some OAS members, he continued with his plans to return to Honduras Sunday accompanied by Latin American presidents who support him. The current government stated that it would arrest Mel if he returned to Honduran territory. If he did show up it would be a showdown.
In the last couple of days, the government seemed to have let up a bit on its control of the media. Or perhaps the government continued with its control but the media had become more adept at subverting it. Radio Globo, a radio station with a very pro-Mel bend, was on most of the day with reports on the pro-Mel demonstrations. In the afternoon they had a program dedicated to taking calls from around Honduras and around the world. The vast majority of the callers were condemning the coup. Radio Globo still seemed to play a lot of music given that they are the only voice of the left in such turbulent times.
Radio America, one of the largest radio stations in Honduras, had a half-hour segment sponsored by the Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared in Honduras, an organization dedicated to remembering the people who were disappeared by Honduras’ military governments in the 1980s. This half-hour segment, which I understand they put out once a month, was adamantly against the coup. It included material from Father Roy Bourgeois, the founder of SOA Watch and from Amy Goodman of Democracy Now! I am not sure how they got it on the air. Perhaps it was paid advertisement, or perhaps this organization has too much respect in Honduras for it to be silenced.
In the last few days I was hearing more people describe the situation here as polarized. As media outlets like Radio Globo were heard and people came from around Honduras to the capital and the pro-Mel protests grew in size, perhaps people were realizing that Mel did have quite a bit of genuine support.
Sudnay, June 5
Until Sunday I had kept my distance from the protests. I figured I could pretty much see what was going on from a distance, and that it was safer to stay away. After hearing for several days in a row that the anti-coup marches had been peaceful, I decided that it would be interesting to at least go and watch for a bit. Sunday’s protest was starting at the Universidad Pedagogica, a public university about 1.5 miles from my apartment. At 10am I hopped in a cab that dropped me off at the point where the road had been blocked for the protest. A wide variety of people were present, young, old, male, female, city people and country people. Many were wearing cowboy hats and red bandanas. Most people wore the bandanas around their necks, but some used them to cover their faces. I saw quite a few young men carrying wooden sticks and wondered how peaceful the protest would really be.
I sat down next to one man from Catacamas, Olancho. Northeast of Tegucigalpa, Olancho is the department where Mel is from. The man said that there were about 50 busloads of people from Olancho in Tegucigalpa and that he had been in Tegucigalpa since Friday, June 3. He came in bus, which he said was a difficult trip because the military was trying to prevent the passage of people to the capital. He said the military had shot out the tires of seven buses to prevent them from traveling, a tactic I have heard various times that the military is using.
As the crowd got ready to move, the protest organizers started to animate them and counsel them to not use force. Organizers moved through the crowd confiscating the sticks I had seen people carrying earlier. A man on a megaphone told people that if someone near them was taking part in a violent act, they should take a picture of them and then stop them. He said that there very well might be infiltrators in the crowd trying to provoke violence, but they must resist and maintain a passive march. At about 11 am the crowd started moving. They went down the entrance ramp to Boulevard Fuerzas Armadas, the main 4-lane divided highway that cuts through Tegucigalpa, and headed toward the airport to welcome Mel. I headed home.
Photos of the protest:



The question on my mind remained, “Will Mel arrive?” Without any agreement with Micheletti’s government, his arrival seemed like it would be a bad idea. The archbishop of Tegucigalpa, Cardinal Oscar Andrés Rodríguez Maradiaga, had been on cadena nacional Saturday evening and Sunday morning urging Mel not to return because a bloodbath might ensue. In the early afternoon, in cadena nacional, the director of civil aviation said that the airports were open in Honduras, but that Mel’s plane did not have permission to land. He said that the other leaders who were coming with Mel would also need permission from the Honduran government to enter the country. After this message was reported over 5 times, Micheletti, a couple of his current ministers and one ex foreign minister came on the air for a press conference. Micheletti denounced the mobilization of Nicaraguan troops along the Honduran border and asked Nicaragua and Venezuela to respect the sovereignty of Honduras. In the questions that followed, one reporter asked Micheletti to give more specifics of the mobilization of Nicaraguan troops. He replied that the mobilizations had been small and that it was not confirmed whether they were sanctioned by the president or commanders in the Nicaraguan military. He gave no specifics as to where the mobilizations had taken place. It sounded like he was trying to justify his government’s repression by fabricating the threat of a Nicaraguan invasion.
Shortly after the cadena, Radio Globo reported that Mel would be arriving to Tegucigalpa at 4 pm. Even though Mel attempting to fly into Tegucigalpa when he had already been denied permission seemed irrational, I was not very surprised that Mel was going through with it. Tens of thousands of supporters were at the airport ready to meet him. The initial barriers around the airport had apparently been breached or opened so that the protesters where able to advance right up to the perimeter of the airport. I left to run an errand and when I returned at about 4 pm found that they were repeating Micheletti’s press conference en cadena. When his press conference ended, the cadena continued with a message from an Evangelical leader. I did not feeling like listening to his message, but I suspect he was encouraging the population to remain calm under its new government.
When the cadena finally ended, and CNN and Radio Globo were allowed back on the air, viewers and listeners learned that the protest at the airport had gotten out of hand, the military had forced the crowd back with tear gas, and one person ended up dead. Mel was flying over the airport in a Venezuelan plane but was unable to land because the officials on the ground had obstructed the runway by parking vehicles on it. CNN was playing audio of Mel and the Venezuelan captain being interviewed by Telesur, a Venezuela-based channel sponsored by the governments of Argentina, Bolivia, Cuba, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Uruguay and Venezuela, as they both sat in the cockpit flying over Honduras. Mel might not have landed, but he sure made a show out of his attempt.
After the day’s events, the de-facto Honduran government implemented a 6:30 pm curfew. After watching CNN for an hour or so on my neighbors’ TV, I came back to my apartment and found only music and sports on the radio. At least the cadenas nacionales had ended for the night.




























Don Nicho´s pipante with a full load (photos courtesy of Charlie)
Resting before the voyage
Pushing boat off of a shallow spot
Josue on one of the motorized gold digging machines.
The house where we spent our first night.










































The beach in Placencia, which we later found out was man-made.
A couple of the many expensive-looking catamarans presumably available for charter.
Our rustic, but relatively bug-free accomodations at Miss Leslie´s Travel Inn
The local Chinese restraunt / General store / Outdoor saloon
A snorkelling trip we took to a nearby cay that is a national park.
Our double room / hut at the Sak Luk
The ruins of Tikal sticking out of the jungle
Juan, our very knowledgeable guide


The very steep steps up a very tall and steep tower
Greg on the edge of the very steep tall slope
Me looking scared at the top





Antigua´s very well decorated fleet of buses I can only hope they put as much work into the mechanics of the buses as they do into the aesthetics.
One of the many old buildings in Antigua
El Palacio de Generales, the building that was once the seat of the Spanish colonial government in Central America
Greg under the arch of the Palacio de Generales
The Cathedral, or the part of it that´s been rebuilt







The boats that the locals and tourists use as public transportation to get around the lake.



















